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Jews in the medieval world

中世纪世界的犹太人

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在罗马皇帝君士坦丁大帝（Constantine the Great，306-37年）统治时期，基督教是拜占庭帝国的官方宗教，这是大多数历史学家界定中世纪犹太人的两个便捷起点之一。中世纪犹太历史的另一个关键日期是637年，这一年，萨珊人屈服于欧麦尔·本·赫塔卜的阿拉伯穆斯林 (Arab Muslims)军队，他们对巴勒斯坦和巴比伦的征服影响了犹太教的两个主要集聚中心。从这些决定性的日期开始，西欧、拜占庭、地中海、北非、中东和阿拉伯半岛的犹太人的命运将与基督教或穆斯林君主密不可分，并持续受其影响。

The adoption of Christianity as the official religion during the reign of the Roman emperor Constantine the Great (r. 306–37) serves most historians as one of two convenient starting points for the Jewish Middle Ages. The other crucial date in medieval Jewish history is 637, the year when the Sassanians succumbed to the Arabo-Muslim armies of Umar ibn al-Khattab, whose conquest of Palestine and Babylonia affected the two major centers of Jewish learning. From these fateful dates the lives and history of the Jews of western Europe, Byzantium, the Mediterranean, North Africa, the Middle East, and the Arabian Peninsula would be inextricably linked to and informed by their Christian or Muslim sovereigns.

中世纪犹太人在他们的散居国家创造了一个可观、独特的犹太社区。充满活力的犹太社区存在其间，其中包括巴黎、纳巴达、阿基坦、伦敦、约克、诺维奇、格拉纳达、科尔多瓦、君士坦丁堡、ʿAydhab（阿拉伯语：عَيذاب ，又名Aidab）、大马士革和巴格达等城市。这些中世纪犹太人在“圣殿烛台”下生活、工作和死亡，烛台代表着耶路撒冷的第一圣殿，在耶稣基督诞生前960年，所罗门王在他父亲大卫王选定的地点上建造了第一圣殿。烛台作为犹太人的圣殿、学问和希望的象征，在犹太人的旗帜和横幅上飘扬，这是对带有基督教十字架或穆斯林新月标志的旗帜的区分。犹太人在基督教和穆斯林的土地上算是少数文明。然而，犹太人的成就在欣欣向荣但又岌岌可危的犹太社区中非常重要。犹太医生、科学家、艺术家、哲学家、商人、银行家和金融交易员对基督教和穆斯林文化做出了重大贡献。同时，犹太文化也受到基督教和伊斯兰教的影响，散居地的存在迫使犹太人进行重大的宗教和文化改革。

Jews created an estimable, distinct Jewish society and culture in their medieval Diaspora countries. Vibrant Jewish communities existed in this medieval geography that encompassed such cities as Paris, Narbonne, Aquitaine, London, York, Norwich, Granada, Córdoba, Constantinople, Aydhab, Damascus, and Baghdad. These medieval Jewish communities lived, worked, and died under the symbol of the branched candelabrum that represented the First Temple in Jerusalem that, 960 years before the birth of Jesus Christ, King Solomon built on the site his father, King David, had selected. The candelabrum as Jewish symbol of the Temple, of learning, and of hope flew on Jewish flags and banners alongside though subsidiary to the flags with the sign of the Christian cross or the Muslim crescent. Jews were a minority civilization in both Christian and Muslim lands. Nevertheless, Jewish achievements were important in thriving yet imperiled Jewish communities. Jewish physicians, scientists, artists, philosophers, merchants, bankers, and traders made significant contributions to the larger Christian and Muslim cultures. At the same time, Jewish culture was influenced by Christianity and Islam, and Diaspora existence compelled the Jews to undertake significant religious and cultural reforms.

犹太教的转型

中世纪犹太教与古代犹太教有一些重要的区别。在中世纪之前，犹太人学习和文化的两个地理轴是巴勒斯坦和巴比伦。罗马帝国在四世纪皈依基督教后，君士坦丁出台了一系列限制犹太人公民和政治自由的法律，这些法律在他的继任者查士丁尼一世和狄奥多西一世时期得到了加强。因此，中世纪犹太人的分布特点是在散居地有多个中心，其中一些中心，如阿拔斯王朝（伊拉克的巴格达）、法国的里昂和德国的沃尔姆斯，作为当时犹太人学术研究的主要中心，享誉盛名。

A number of important features distinguish medieval from ancient Judaism. Prior to the Jewish Middle Ages the two geographical axes of Jewish learning and culture were Palestine and Babylonia. After the conversion of the Roman Empire to Christianity in the fourth century, Constantine introduced a series of laws restricting the civil and political liberties of the Jews, which would be augmented under his successors, Justinian I and Theodosian I. Persecution and oppression prompted many Jews to disperse farther afield into the Mediterranean, Europe, North Africa, and the Arabian Peninsula. As a result, the Jewish Middle Ages is characterized by multiple centers in the Diaspora, some of which, such as Baghdad in Abbasid Iraq, Lyon in France, and Worms in Germany, enjoyed momentary acclaim as major foci of Jewish scholarship.

犹太人的宗教生活也不得不适应后来的两个宗教对手基督教和伊斯兰教这一现实。虽然犹太教与希腊哲学和异教之间的明显差异，使约瑟夫这样的第一世纪希腊犹太人能够令人信服地论证犹太教的立场，但与基督教和伊斯兰教一神论的神学争论则更为困难，犹太人需要将主要是口头传播形式的宗教和法律文化转变为文本式的书面文化。甚至在帝国基督教化之前出现的一个关键问题——如何确保口头法律的生存和完整性。210年，圣人犹大·哈-纳西（Judah ha Nasi）首次将口述法律写成了一部名为《米书拿》（又译为密西拿或米示拿或密释纳）的法律典籍。传播口头法律的圣人被称为Tannaim（“教师”），与后来的Amoraim（“解释者”）不同（Tannaim是未编纂的口头传统的直接传播者。Amoraim对最初编纂的口述法进行了阐述和澄清），这些圣人对《米书拿》的评论和修正被称为Gemara（《革马拉》，犹太教经典，是《塔木德》的一部份。主要的内容是在于解释《米书拿》中犹太口传律法的意义），一直到五世纪末和六世纪初拜占庭对犹太人的迫害，都以口头传播的形式存在。Amoraim（指以色列和巴比伦的学者，他们继承了tannaim并在（巴比伦）savoraim和geonim之前）圣人莱夫·阿什（卒于427年）和他的弟子也写下《革马拉》，以保存这一口头法律的来源。随后，犹太圣人制作了两个版本的《塔木德》，即《米书拿》和《革马拉》的合并文本，即约350年在巴勒斯坦编纂的《耶路撒冷塔木德》和约550年编纂的《巴比伦（Bavli）塔木德》，尽管直到8世纪初还在修改。

Jewish religious life also had to adapt to the new realities of its two “offspring” religious rivals of Christianity and Islam. While the obvious differences between Judaism and Hellenistic philosophy and paganism allowed a first-century Greek Jew such as Josephus to argue the Jewish position convincingly, the theological dispute vis-à-vis Christian and Islamic monotheism was more difficult and would require the transformation of a mainly oral religious and legal culture into a textual, written one. A key concern that emerged even before the Christianization of the empire was to ensure the survival and integrity of the oral law. In 210 the sage Judah ha Nasi wrote down the oral law for the first time in the form of a legal code called the Mishnah. The sages who transmitted the oral law were known as the Tannaim (“teachers”), in contradistinction to the subsequent Amoraim (“interpreters”), sages whose commentaries on and amendments to the Mishnah, called the Gemara, continued to be transmitted orally until the Byzantine persecutions of the Jews in the late fifth and early sixth centuries. The Amoraim sage Rav Ashi (d. 427) and his disciples began to write down the Gemara as well in order to preserve this source of oral law. Subsequently, Jewish sages produced two versions of the Talmud, the combined texts of the Mishnah and the Gemara, the Jerusalem Talmud, redacted circa 350 in Palestine, and the Babylonian (Bavli) Talmud, compiled circa 550, although amendments were made until the early eighth century.

Geonim（Gaonic）时期，8至11世纪

在耶路撒冷和巴比伦的犹太学院的Geonim（“genius”; sing.: gaon）学者的影响下，《塔木德》及其研究迅速超出了巴比伦和巴勒斯坦的范围，传到了埃及和北非其他地区、意大利、伊比利亚半岛、法国和德国。Geonim对犹太历史的贡献怎么强调都不过分。他们成功地使《塔木德》具有法律效力和经典性，并在全世界犹太群体中传播，为《塔木德》研究的制度化和犹太教在散居地的生存铺平了道路，而巴勒斯坦和巴比伦学院的声誉早已衰落。由于Geonim的努力，《塔木德》成为与《圣经》并列的主要研究对象，各地的犹太人都聚集在巴勒斯坦，特别是巴比伦，在那里学习。这里必须提到757-761年在巴比伦担任学院院长的耶胡达·本-纳赫曼，以及他为使《巴比伦塔木德》被全世界犹太人普遍接受为主要法律权威而做出的不懈努力。由于他的努力，《巴比伦塔木德》也成为中世纪拉比众多评论的主题，特别是法国的所罗门·本·依撒克·哈泰扎法提（Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac，1040-1105）和主要是阿什肯纳兹犹太人（指的是源于中世纪德国莱茵兰一带的犹太人后裔）统称为Tosefot（是中世纪对塔木德的评论。它们采用批判性和解释性注解的形式，几乎在所有塔木德版本中都印在外页边距和拉什注释旁）的评论。

The Talmud and its study quickly spread beyond the confines of Babylonia and Palestine into Egypt and the rest of North Africa, Italy, the Iberian Peninsula, France, and Germany under the influence of the geonim (“genius”; sing.: gaon) scholars of the Jewish academies at Jerusalem and Babylonia. The contribution of the geonim to Jewish history cannot be overstated. Their success in according legal validity and canonicity to the Talmud and in disseminating it throughout world Jewry paved the way for the institutionalization of Talmud study and the survival of Judaism across the Diaspora long after the reputation of the Palestinian and Babylonian academies had waned. Because of the efforts of the geonim, the Talmud became a major object of study alongside the written Bible, and Jews from all over converged upon Palestine and especially Babylonia to study under them. Special mention must be made of Yehuda ben Nachman, who served as gaon of the academy in Babylonia in 757–761, and his relentless mission to make the Babylonian Talmud universally accepted as the chief legal authority for world Jewry. Thanks to his efforts the Babylonian Talmud also became the subject of numerous commentaries by medieval rabbis, notably by Rashi (Rabbi Solomon ben Isaac, 1040–1105) of France and the generation of mostly Ashkenazic rabbis collectively known as the Tosefot.

为了保证《塔木德》对散居在世界各地犹太群体的约束，教士们还颁布了takkanot（“法令”），这些法令满足了当时的需求。学院同时也是最高法院，进一步确保了《塔木德》作为法律准则的普遍应用。他们还主持一年两次的“集会”，散居各地的犹太人会聚集在一起，听教长讲授犹太法，并回答从世界各地寄来的问题。这些教义和法学回答同样也被传播到世界各地的犹太社区。1040年，阿拔斯王朝正式废除了geonim，但Geonim的遗产依然存在。此时，伊拉克、西班牙、法国和德国有影响力的塔木德学院的地位已经超过了耶路撒冷和巴比伦的学院。

To guarantee the relevance of the Talmud for the Jewish Diaspora, the geonim also issued takkanot (“ordinances”), which responded directly to contemporary needs. Their academies doubled as supreme courts, further ensuring the application of the Talmud as the code of law universally. They also hosted biannual kallot (“assemblies”) in which Diaspora Jews would gather to listen to the geonim lecture on Jewish law and respond to questions sent to them from around the world. These teachings and juridical responsa were likewise disseminated to Jewish communities worldwide. The legacy of the geonim survived its official abolition by the Abbasids in 1040. By this time influential Talmudic academies in Iraq, Spain, France, and Germany had already surpassed those of Jerusalem and Babylonia in prominence.

遵循《塔木德》使指导散居各地的犹太人生活的宗教实践、信仰、法律和习俗变得空前统一。然而，即使是《塔木德》也承认，只要不直接违反《圣经》或《塔木德》的法律，一个社区前几代人接受的地方习俗（minhag）就具有法律效力。当地习俗的差异可以解释为什么从九世纪起定居在法国北部和莱茵地区的中东犹太人中出现了阿什肯纳兹犹太教。例如，阿什肯纳兹犹太人在逾越节期间禁止吃各种食物，如豆类和大米，而西班牙和葡萄牙的塞法迪犹太人以及中东的米兹拉希犹太人则允许吃这些食物。

Following the Talmud lent an unprecedented uniformity to the religious practices, beliefs, laws, and customs that guided Jewish life throughout the Diaspora. At the same time, however, even the Talmud recognized the legal validity of a local custom (minhag) accepted by previous generations of a community as long as it did not directly contravene a biblical or Talmudic law. Differences in local custom would account for the emergence of Ashekenazic Judaism among the Middle Eastern Jews who settled in northern France and the Rhineland from the ninth century. For instance, Ashkenazic Jews prohibit eating of a variety of foods during Passover, such as legumes and rice, which Sephardic Jews of Spain and Portugal and the Mizrahic Jews of the Middle East allow.

基督教和穆斯林世界容忍、保护、迫害和屠杀犹太人。中世纪的犹太人是理性的乐观主义者，以便在限制性的法律、残酷的攻击和艰苦条件下生存和发展。犹太人和基督教的关系与犹太人和伊斯兰教的关系不同。

The Christian and Muslim worlds tolerated, protected, persecuted, and massacred Jews. Medieval Jews were rational optimists in order to survive and thrive under restrictive laws, brutal attacks, and grueling hardships. Jewish and Christian relations differed from Jewish and Islamic associations.

西欧的犹太人

犹太人在西欧的生活因国家而异，并受制于世俗与教会势力的奇思妙想以及个人和政治的权宜之计。因此，很难断言犹太人在中世纪早期的任何时候都在西方拉丁世界繁荣发展或受到迫害，因为他们的地位取决于与个别基督教当局谈判的宪章。然而，总的来说，与中世纪后期相比，这一时期的特点是相对宽容。12世纪末和13世纪初是整个西欧犹太人与基督教关系的一个转折点，这是一个决定性的过渡，从普遍接受到实施各种世俗和教规法律，严格限制犹太人参与公民和经济生活，并共同努力使犹太社区皈依基督教。从这时起，犹太人越来越多地因其宗教信仰而被鄙视，因其在贸易和金融方面的成功而被怨恨，并且更经常地受到迫害而不是欢迎。

Life for the Jews in western Europe differed from country to country and was subject to the whims and personal and political expediency of the secular and ecclesiastical powers. As a result it is difficult to say categorically that Jews thrived or were persecuted in the Latin West at any given time in the early Middle Ages, since their status depended upon the charters negotiated with individual Christian authorities. However, in general the period was characterized by relative tolerance in comparison to the later Middle Ages. The late 12th and early 13th centuries mark a turning point in Jewish-Christian relations across western Europe, a decisive transition from general acceptance to the imposition of various secular and canon laws that severely restricted Jewish participation in civil and economic life and a concerted effort to convert Jewish communities to Christianity. From this time onward Jews increasingly were despised for their religious beliefs, resented for their successes in trade and finance, and more routinely persecuted than welcomed.

犹太人在意大利的定居情况

犹太人在意大利半岛定居的历史悠久且持续。一些最早的记录可以追溯到罗马共和国时期（公元前六世纪），其中提到了讲希腊语的犹太商人和奴隶，他们在与希腊人的贸易和军事接触加强的过程中在罗马定居。到凯撒大帝（公元前49-44年）时期，罗马犹太人在他们自己的统治者（称为gerousiarxoi）的领导下建立了一个强大的、高度组织化的社区。许多犹太教会堂的存在也得到了证实，每个犹太教会堂都由一个等级结构来管理，包括一个大主教会堂、一个牧师会堂和其他较小的犹太教会堂官员。在罗马帝国时代，犹太人的命运在罗马和意大利其他地区起伏不定；犹太人享受着部分皇帝的保护，但在其他皇帝手下却遭受迫害和驱逐。公元66年和132年，犹太人对罗马人发动了悲壮的起义，前者导致了耶路撒冷第二圣殿的毁灭，导致了大量的犹太教徒被转移到罗马和意大利其他地区，成为奴隶劳工。

The Jews have a long and continuous history of settlement in the Italian Peninsula. Some of the earliest records dating from the time of the Roman Republic (sixth century B.C.E.) mention Greek-speaking Jewish merchants and slaves who settled in Rome during the process of intensified trade and military contacts with the Greeks. By the time of Julius Caesar (r. 49–44 B.C.E.), the Roman Jews had established a strong and highly organized community under the leadership of their own ruler, called the gerousiarxoi. The presence of numerous synagogues is also attested, each governed by a hierarchical structure of an archisynagogue, patersynagogue, and other lesser synagogue officials. The fate of the Jews fluctuated in Rome and the rest of Italy during the epoch of the Roman Empire; Jews enjoyed the protection of some emperors, yet suffered persecution and expulsion under others. The spectacular Jewish revolts against the Romans in 66 and 132 C.E., the former of which led to the destruction of the Second Temple of Jerusalem, resulted in the massive transfer of Judean Jews into Rome and the rest of Italy as slave laborers.

从君士坦丁皇帝在313年承认基督教为帝国的官方宗教到476年西罗马灭亡，犹太人的地位继续在迫害和宽容之间波动，由个别皇帝和首领的政策决定。在这一时期，犹太人通过支持允许他们和平生活的外邦人统治者，在决定他们的命运方面发挥了积极作用。他们在整个半岛建立了重要的社区，北部在罗马、热那亚和米兰，南部在巴勒莫、墨西拿、那不勒斯、阿格里真托和撒丁岛。

Between Emperor Constantine’s recognition of Christianity as an official religion of the empire in 313 and the fall of Rome in 476, the Jewish status continued to fluctuate between persecution and tolerance, determined by the policies of individual emperors and patriarchs. During this period the Jews played an active role in determining their fate by supporting the gentile rulers who allowed them to live in peace. They built important communities throughout the peninsula, in Rome, Genoa, and Milan in the north and in Palermo, Messina, Naples, Agrigentum, and Sardinia in the south.

公元439年，狄奥多西二世制定了《狄奥多西法典》，根据该法典，犹太人或撒玛利亚人（起源于古代以色列人的民族宗教团体）不能获得任何允许其对基督徒行使权力的荣誉职位。犹太人还被禁止建造新的犹太教堂。因此，当西罗马在476年落入东哥特人之手时，犹太士兵在那不勒斯及其他地方拿起武器，保卫东哥特人和罗马教皇对抗拜占庭军队。532/4年，查士丁尼为拜占庭帝国制定的法典《民法大全》批准了狄奥多西二世制定的压迫性反犹太法律，并引入了他自己的许多其他法律。此外，查士丁尼在531年发布的Novellae（“新律”）禁止所有“异端”，包括那些遵循“犹太迷信”的人在法庭上指证正统的基督徒，禁止在犹太礼仪中使用希伯来语，并谴责《米书拿》（口头法律）（Marcus 7）。由于在东罗马帝国实施了这些限制，犹太人并不希望意大利恢复帝国统治，事实上，他们在拉文纳的拜占庭统治期间（552-751年）一直遭受迫害。

In 439 Theodosius II had established the Theodosian Code in the Eastern Empire, according to which no Jew or Samaritan could attain any offices of honor that would allow him to exercise authority over Christians. Jews were also banned from building new synagogues. Thus, when Rome fell to the Ostragoths in 476, Jewish soldiers took up arms in Naples and elsewhere in defense of the Ostragoths and the Roman pope against the Byantine army. In 532/4 Justinian’s legal code for the Byzantine Empire, the Body of Civil Law, ratified the oppressive anti-Jewish laws instituted by Theodosius II and introduced many others of his own. Additionally, Justinian’s Novellae (“new things”), issued in 531, forbade all “heretics,” including those who followed the “Jewish superstition,” to testify against orthodox Christians in court, suppressed the use of Hebrew in the Jewish liturgy, and censured the Mishnah (oral law) (Marcus 7). Because of the enforcement of these restrictions in the Eastern Roman Empire, Jews had no desire for Italy to be restored to imperial rule, and, indeed, they suffered persecution for the duration of the Byzantine exarchate in Ravenna (552–751).

伦巴第人的情况明显改善，他们从拜占庭人手中征服了意大利半岛的大部分地区，并于6世纪70年代末完成。伦巴第人的一些部落是异教徒，而另一些部落则信奉阿里乌基督教。即使在他们于七世纪集体皈依天主教后，伦巴第人以及罗马教皇对犹太人采取了宽容、宽大和保护的政策。除了1171年将犹太人从博洛尼亚短暂驱逐，以及教皇英诺森三世（1198-1216）和随后的教皇实施的反犹太主义改革之外，意大利的犹太人享有很长一段时间的繁荣。犹太人在诺曼人统治下的意大利南部和西西里岛尤其繁荣，第四次拉特朗公会议（1215年）的法令在那里被忽视，他们继续被当作与基督徒平等的公民对待，在公民地位或职业方面没有任何限制，并对其内部事务行使充分的自治权。

The situation improved significantly under the Lombards, whose conquest of most of the Italian Peninsula from the Byzantines was completed by the end of the 570s. Some of the Lombardian tribes were pagan, while others practiced Arian Christianity. Even after their conversion en masse to Catholic Christianity in the seventh century, the Lombards as well as the Roman popes followed a policy of tolerance, leniency, and protection toward the Jews. Apart from a brief expulsion of Jews from Bologna in 1171 and the anti-Jewish reforms imposed by Pope Innocent III (1198–1216) and subsequent popes, the Italian Jews enjoyed a lengthy period of prosperity in their homeland. Jews particularly flourished under Norman rule in southern Italy and Sicily, where the papal decrees of Lateran IV (1215) were ignored, and they continuted to be treated as equal citizens alongside Christians, suffering no restrictions in terms of civil position or vocation and exercising full autonomy over their internal affairs.

犹太人在国际贸易和金融领域的专长使这些职业的从业者对威尼斯、比萨、佛罗伦萨和热那亚等意大利国家的富足特别重要，这些国家的经济主要基于贸易。这些国家精明务实的统治者意识到，为了在经济上与拜占庭人、穆斯林和蒙古人竞争，甚至在他们自己之间竞争，有必要将他们的商业利益置于教会的精神利益之上。因此，犹太银行家们在意大利各地建立银行，从事放贷和其他金融交易，为犹太人和外邦人的客户提供服务，并没有遇到什么困难。犹太金融势力的政治和社会意义在15世纪末托斯卡纳的案例中尤其能说明问题。比萨的银行业巨头耶希尔通过谈判，成功地将1492年从西班牙流亡的犹太人吸收到了托斯卡纳。新的托斯卡纳移民在经济上蓬勃发展，与定居在热那亚和罗马的犹太人形成鲜明对比——他们在那里遭受了经济困难和宗教迫害。

Jewish expertise in the realms of international trade and finance made the practitioners of these professions especially important to the affluence of Italian states such as Venice, Pisa, Florence, and Genoa, whose economies were based mainly upon trade. The savvy and pragmatic rulers of these states realized that in order to compete economically with the Byzantines, Muslims, and Mongols and even among themselves, it was necessary to place their commercial interests before the spiritual interests of the church. Jewish bankers thus experienced little difficulty in establishing banks throughout Italy and engaging in moneylending and other financial transactions serving Jewish and gentile clientele. The political and social significance of Jewish financial power is particularly illustrative in the case of late 15th-century Tuscany. The banking magnate Jehiel of Pisa negotiated the successful absorption into Tuscany of Jews exiled from Spain in 1492. The new Tuscan émigrés thrived economically, in contrast to Jews who settled in Genoa and Rome, where they suffered economic hardship and religious persecution.

意大利的犹太文化

犹太人的文化、宗教和经济繁荣的迹象体现在犹太人对艺术、宗教和科学的贡献上。虽然意大利的犹太圣人总体上从未达到法国、德国和西班牙同行的地位，但意大利确实产生了一些著名的拉比，并在罗马和Pesano建立了重要的塔木德学院。Kalonymous和Anav这两个意大利著名的犹太部族，在九世纪创建罗马的塔木德学院时发挥了很大的影响。十二世纪的拉比名人包括Nathan ben Jehiel Kalonymous，他的塔木德词典《The Arukh》成为塔木德研究的参考书。长老以赛亚·迪·特拉尼（1232-79）是一位受人尊敬的塔木德权威，他写了许多著名的法学答辩书。他建立了一个名副其实且令人可敬的塔木德学者王朝，其影响一直持续到17世纪。还有一些值得注意的女性塔木德学者，包括Paola Anav dei Mansi（1292年），她来自杰出的Anav拉比和医生家族，因其作为抄写员的书法和对圣经和塔木德的了解而获得声誉。

The signs of Jewish cultural, religious, and economic prosperity were seen in the contributions of Jews to the arts, religion, and the sciences. While the Italian Jewish sages on the whole never attained the stature of their French, German, and Spanish counterparts, Italy did produce a few rabbis of note and established important Talmudic academies in Rome and Pesano. The Kalonymous and the Anav, two prominent Italian clans, were influential in founding the Talmudic academy of Rome in the ninth century. Twelfth-century rabbinic luminaries include Nathan ben Jehiel Kalonymous, whose Talmudic lexicon, the Arukh, became a reference in Talmud study. Isaiah di Trani the Elder (1232–79) was an esteemed Talmudic authority who wrote many celebrated juridical responsa. He founded a veritable dynasty of venerable Talmudic scholars whose influence continued into the 17th century. There were also a few women Talmudic scholars of note, including Paola Anav dei Mansi (d. 1292), who hailed from a distinguished Anav family of rabbis and physicians and who achieved renown for her calligraphy as a scribe and her knowledge of the Bible and Talmud.

维罗纳的希勒尔·班·萨缪尔（1295年去世）将许多医学文献从阿拉伯语翻译成希伯来语。13世纪末，塞缪尔·本·朱达·伊本·蒂本（卒于1230年）将西班牙哲学家和拉比摩西·本·迈蒙（1204年）的《困惑者指南》（Heb. Moreh nebukim, Ar. Dalalat al-hairin）的希伯来语翻译到意大利，在意大利犹太人中引起了轰动。来自罗马和西班牙的有影响力的拉比传播了迈蒙尼德（摩西·本·迈蒙）和犹太教与亚里士多德哲学的自由主义思想。

Hillel of Verona (d. 1295) translated many medical texts into Hebrew from Arabic. The arrival in Italy of Samuel ibn Tibbon’s (d. 1230) Hebrew translation of the Spanish philosopher and rabbi Moses Maimonides’ (1204) Guide for the Perplexed (Heb. Moreh nebukim, Ar. Dalalat al-hairin) in the late 13th century caused a sensation among Italian Jews. Influential rabbis from Rome and Spain spread Maimonides’ liberal ideas reconciling Judaism with Aristotelian philosophy.

西西里岛的腓特烈二世皇帝（1212-50年）雇用了许多犹太人，包括托斯卡纳的西班牙人犹大·科恩和普罗旺斯的雅各布·本·阿巴·马里·本·辛姆森·安纳托利，来翻译阿拉伯哲学和科学论著。科恩、安纳托利和其他犹太译者在西西里进行的翻译，在向西方拉丁语国家传播阿拉伯科学知识方面发挥了与西班牙托莱多学校一样突出的作用。犹太文学家并没有被固定在14世纪意大利活跃的文学舞台上。罗马的伊曼纽尔·本·所罗门·本·杰库锡尔，一位有成就的希伯来诗人，也是但丁·阿利吉耶里的密友，在用意大利语创作诗歌时受到他的影响。另一个文化借鉴的标志是15世纪的诗人、物理学家摩西·本-艾萨克·迪创作的《mikdash me'at》，这是一首仿照但丁《神曲》创作的希伯来语诗。15世纪末的意大利犹太哲学家，如Elija Delmadego和约翰南·阿勒曼诺（Johanen Alemanno）深受乔瓦尼·皮科·德拉·米兰多拉（Pico della Mirandola）的人文主义启发，并在意大利犹太人中传播其思想。

Emperor Frederick II of Sicily (1212–50) employed many Jews, including the Spanishborn Judah Cohen of Tuscany and Jacob Anatolio of Provence, to translate Arabic philosophical and scientific treatises. The translations undertaken in Sicily by Cohen, Anatolio, and other Jewish translators played as prominent a role as those carried out in the school of Toledo, Spain, in the dissemination of Arabic scientific knowledge to the Latin West. Jewish men of letters were not immured to the vibrant literary scene of 14th-century Italy. Immanuel b. Solomon of Rome, an accomplished Hebrew poet, was also a close friend of Dante Alighieri and was influenced by him in his composition of poetry in Italian. Another sign of cultural borrowing is seen in the 15th-century poet-physician Moses b. Isaac Rieti’s composition of the Mikdash meat, a Hebrew poem modeled upon Dante’s Divine Comedy. Late 15th-century Italian Jewish philosophers such as Elija Delmadego and Johanen Alemanno were deeply inspired by the humanism of Pico della Mirandola and spread his thought among Italian Jews.

教廷、修士和犹太人

教皇对犹太人在基督教世界中的地位以及基督教与犹太人的关系制定政策的历史由来已久。虽然教皇的法律对西方拉丁世界的居民具有普遍约束力，但有两位教皇特别值得一提，因为他们的法律对中世纪欧洲犹太人的生活产生了截然不同的广泛影响。教皇格里高利大帝（590-604年），这位杰出的教会改革者，深受圣奥古斯丁著作的影响，特别是《上帝之城》（De civitatis Dei）。格里高利开创了一个重要的先例，他批准使用武力使异教徒皈依基督教，并为此召集世俗当局。在他的任期内，异端在意大利北部、伊斯特拉和非洲被根除，异教在高卢被根除。另一方面，他在对待犹太人方面表现出堪称典范的宽容。这种宽容的神学论证可以在《上帝之城》中找到。圣奥古斯丁（卒于430年）认为，犹太人应该屈服于基督徒，但还是应该容忍和保护他们作为基督教战胜旧法的活证人。格里高利在许多教皇的书信中阐述了他的观点。他明确谴责强迫犹太人皈依的行为，并维护他们的公民自由和宗教自由。同时，他警告犹太人不要超越赋予他们的权利的界限。他对奥古斯丁学说中的犹太人见证的主张，直到12世纪末和13世纪，仍然是界定基督教对犹太人的理论立场的标准。

The papacy had a long history of dictating policies regulating the status of Jews within Christendom and Christian-Jewish relations. While papal law was universally binding upon the inhabitants of the Latin West, two popes in particular merit special mention due to the contrasting and widespread implications of their laws for the lives of medieval European Jewry. Pope Gregory the Great (r. 590–604), the eminent reformer of the church, was deeply influenced by Saint Augustine’s writings, particularly The City of God (De civitatis Dei). Gregory set an important precedent in approving the use of force to convert pagans to Christianity and in summoning the secular authorities to this end. During his mandate heresy was rooted out of northern Italy, Istria, and Africa, and paganism was eradicated from Gaul. On the other hand, he showed exemplary tolerance in his treatment of the Jews. The theological jus-tification for this tolerance is to be found in The City of God. Saint Augustine (d. 430) had argued that the Jews should be subjugated to Christians but nevertheless tolerated and protected in their capacity as living witnesses to the triumph of Christianity over the old law. Gregory expounded his ideas in numerous papal epistles. He explicitly condemned the forced conversion of Jews and upheld their civil liberties and religious freedoms. At the same time, he warned the Jews against exceeding the limits of the rights accorded to them. His advocation of the Augustinian doctrine of Jewish witness remained the norm in defining the Christian doctrinal position vis-à-vis the Jews until the late 12th and 13th centuries.

英诺森三世的教皇时代最能体现教会对犹太人政策的这种消极变化。英诺森三世在1215年召开了第四次拉特朗公会议，讨论异端问题，并为第三次十字军东征筹集资金。值得注意的是，一个来自法国南部的犹太代表团被派往那里，试图劝说教皇代表不要发布任何专门的反犹太法令。他们的努力被证明是徒劳的，因为第四次拉特朗公会议确实颁布了一些压迫性的法令，其中最臭名昭著的是要求犹太人和穆斯林通过在衣服上佩戴醒目的彩色徽章来区分自己，犹太人为黄色，穆斯林为粉色。虽然在某些情况下，犹太社区（或至少是最著名的成员）确实可以避免佩戴黄色徽章或类似的明显标志，如“犹太帽”（Jewish hat），但这种传统在西欧许多地方一直延续到现代早期。

The papacy of Innocent III best exemplifies this negative change in church policy toward the Jews. Innocent III had convoked the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 to discuss the problem of heresy and to raise funds to finance the Third Crusade. It is interesting to note the presence of a Jewish delegation from southern France who had been dispatched there in order to try to dissuade the papal delegates from issuing any specifically anti-Jewish edicts. Their efforts proved to be in vain since Lateran IV did, in fact, promulgate a number of oppressive edicts, most infamously the requirement that Jews and Muslims distinguish themselves by wearing prominent colored badges on their clothing, yellow for Jews, pink for Muslims. While it is true that at certain times and under certain circumstances Jewish communities—or at least the most prominent members—could avoid wearing the yellow badge or similar distinctive signs such as the “Jewish hat” (Judenhut), the tradition survived in many parts of western Europe into the early modern period.

第四次拉特朗公会议批准了分别于1216年和1217年成立的多米尼加和方济各会的新修会，这也对犹太人产生了严重的影响。修士们被授权不仅在基督教信徒中布道，而且在凯撒人等异端分子以及居住在基督教世界的犹太人和穆斯林中布道。犹太人必须以沉默和尊重的态度聆听这些布道。修士们发展了一种神学思路，侵蚀了格里高利一世所坚定捍卫的奥古斯丁式的犹太人见证学说。为了促进他们的改宗和皈依目标，修士们研究了希伯来语和阿拉伯语。他们声称，他们发现了塔木德传统和犹太教的反基督教论战文本，如Toledot Yeshu（《耶穌一生》），这是一本六世纪的反福音书（谐仿耶稣生世的犹太亚拉姆文文献，是从反基督教观点出发的犹太版本的耶稣生平，它也被基督徒称作反福音），将耶稣描绘成一个私生子、假先知和异端，为他们提供了确凿的“证据”，证明犹太人已经偏离了他们作为真实圣经叙述的证人的角色，堕入异端。修士们利用他们新获得的圣经后拉比文本的知识，与犹太拉比进行公开争论，以证明基督教的真理，反对拉比犹太教的谬论。

Lateran IV’s approval of the new orders of the Dominican and Franciscan Friars, founded in 1216 and 1217, respectively, also had serious consequences for the Jews: The friars were given a mandate to preach not only among the Christian faithful but also among heretics such as the Cathars as well as Jews and Muslims residing in Christendom. Jews were obliged to listen to these sermons with silence and respect. The friars developed a theological line of thought that eroded the Augustinian doctrine of Jewish witness so staunchly defended by Gregory the Great. To further their goals of proselytization and conversion, the friars studied Hebrew and Arabic. They claimed that their discovery of the Talmudic tradition and of Jewish anti-Christian polemical texts such as Toledot Yeshu, a sixth-century parody of the Gospels that depicts Jesus as a bastard, false prophet, and heretic, provided them with conclusive “proof” that the Jews had strayed from their role as witnesses to the authentic biblical account and degenerated into heresy. The friars used their newly acquired knowledge of the postbiblical rabbinical texts to engage the Jewish rabbis in public disputations that were meant to prove the truth of Christianity over and against the falsehood of rabbinic Judaism.

《Handbook To Life in The Medieval World》（2008）

By Madeleine Pelner Cosman and Linda Gale Jones  

未完待续！

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